Bihar's Electoral Landscape: How Caste-Based Ticket Distribution Reveals NDA and Mahagathbandhan's Political Strategies

Do electoral candidate representations align with the demographic distribution of caste groups across Bihar's population?

New Delhi:

Bihar, where the sacred Ganges flows with a vigor matching its people's complexity, presents itself as a vibrant tapestry of caste, community, and cultural diversity. As election day approaches, the political landscape resembles gathering monsoon clouds – filled with potential yet surrounded by uncertainty.

The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and Mahagathbandhan, like converging powerful rivers, represent distinct sociological profiles shaped by their ticket allocations across various caste groups and communities.

To properly understand this complex terrain, we must examine the nuances of representation, inclusivity, and the deeper narratives defining this crucial electoral moment. The question remains: do candidate representations by political parties reflect the actual distribution ratios of various caste groups within the population?

Demographic Distribution Of Castes In Bihar

To comprehend the implications of electoral allocations, we must first acknowledge Bihar's demographic realities according to the 2023 survey. It's worth noting that caste has not been included in the decennial census since 1930. Chief Minister Nitish Kumar demonstrated foresight by implementing a comprehensive caste survey of Bihar, completed in October 2023.

The major caste group distributions in Bihar are as follows:

OBCs (Other Backward Classes): 27.12 percent

EBCs (Extremely Backward Classes): 36.01 percent

Scheduled Castes (SC): 19.65 percent

Scheduled Tribes (ST): 1.68 percent

Upper castes: 15.52 percent

Muslims: 17.70 percent

Sociological Profiles Of NDA vs Mahagathbandhan

Examining the two major coalitions that have dominated Bihar politics for nearly two decades reveals striking disparities. The NDA's November election seat distribution includes 85 seats for upper castes, 67 for OBCs, 46 for EBCs, 38 for SCs, and 2 for STs. This allocation demonstrates a significant overrepresentation of upper castes, who constitute only 15.52 percent of Bihar's population.

Why has the BJP overrepresented upper castes in 2025?

First, this may respond to the challenge posed by Prashant Kishor's Jan Suraaj Party. PK, being a Pandey Brahmin, likely appeals to younger voters from upper caste communities. Pre-poll surveys indicate his party has gained maximum traction among educated urban upper caste youth below 40 years of age.

During meetings with party members in Bihar, Union Home Minister Amit Shah faced questions about PK's potential threat among upper caste youth. By overrepresenting upper castes among candidates, the BJP aims to neutralize this factor.

Second, the BJP's strategy appears centered on consolidating upper caste and Hindu votes, potentially attempting to forge a unified Hindu identity transcending traditional caste divisions. Upper castes have historically formed the dominant political group despite lacking numerical superiority. Similarly, the Congress party previously relied on upper caste leaders alongside Dalit and Muslim vote banks when it dominated Indian politics.

OBCs Overrepresented Than EBCs In Mahagathbandhan

In contrast, the Mahagathbandhan has allocated 42 tickets to upper castes (nearly half of NDA's number), 117 to OBCs, and 21 to EBCs, while providing significant representation to Muslims with 29 tickets – 18 from the RJD alone.

Although OBCs have received greater representation compared to EBCs, this distribution better reflects Bihar's diverse social fabric, where each community contributes its unique characteristics to the cultural landscape.

In 2025, the NDA coalition – comprising BJP, JD(U), LJP, and other allies – distributed tickets revealing a pronounced alignment with upper caste interests, while making some efforts at diversity among OBCs, EBCs, and Dalits.

By contrast, the Mahagathbandhan led by RJD, Congress, and Left parties presents a more diverse representation that mirrors Bihar's rich social composition. This coalition represents subaltern OBCs and EBCs more proportionately to their population. Both competing coalitions provide equal representation to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, given the reserved seats for these groups.

NDA's Caste Composition: A Deeper Dive

The NDA coalition – with BJP contesting 101 seats and JD(U) contesting 101 seats – has revealed its electoral strategy through ticket distribution. As the dominant partner, BJP has taken the larger share, offering 48 of the 85 upper caste tickets, while JD(U) provides only 22. This distribution highlights a key aspect of BJP's approach, which has historically relied on upper caste support – a demographic that maintains significant influence in Bihar politics.

A closer examination of JD(U) reveals a contrasting approach. Positioning itself as a champion of backward classes, JD(U) has allocated 27 seats to EBCs compared to BJP's 14. Additionally, JD(U) has provided 37 seats to OBC candidates, while BJP has offered only 20. This striking difference in representation reflects the ideological foundations of both parties. JD(U)'s stronger engagement with backward classes demonstrates its effort to consolidate support among traditionally marginalized communities.

Representation Of Minorities

One of the most glaring disparities in the NDA's approach concerns Muslim representation. With Bihar's Muslim population at approximately 17 percent, the coalition's allocation of only five tickets to Muslim candidates – 4 from JD(U) and 1 from Chirag Paswan's LJP – raises important questions about inclusivity. The BJP has provided no tickets to Muslims, contradicting the coalition's rhetoric about inclusiveness. This exclusion represents both a tactical electoral calculation and signals a broader ideological position that might alienate a significant portion of voters.

Comparative Analysis: BJP vs JD(U)

Comparing tickets offered by BJP and JD(U) reveals BJP's inclination toward upper castes countered by JD(U)'s stronger representation of backward classes and minorities. This distinction highlights the ideological differences between the parties: BJP's strategy focuses on securing traditional upper caste votes, while JD(U) positions itself as an advocate for those marginalized by both caste and economic factors. However, since BJP and JD(U) have been allies in Bihar for 17 of the 20 years Nitish Kumar has served as chief minister, one partner's strengths complement the other's, provided they maintain trust and cooperation.

Conclusion

In his work "The Idea of India," Sunil Khilnani argues that caste politicization has fundamentally altered and sometimes subverted traditional social hierarchies. He suggests that democratic politics created a new arena for caste groups to assert their identity and pursue interests beyond fixed ritual positions.

Rajni Kothari believed that caste politics (horizontal divisions) diminished the significance of religious politics (vertical divisions) – in other words, Mandal politics counterbalances Kamandal politics.

Bihar, with its caste-based political mobilization and social transformation, has become socially more egalitarian than states where upper elites and castes maintain political dominance. By contrast, Bengal, without similar caste mobilization, continues to experience Bhadrolok (upper caste) dominance.

Understanding these dynamics goes beyond academic interest; it's essential for comprehending Bihar's political pulse, where electoral decisions deeply affect its diverse population. The state's political landscape in 2025 represents a complex tapestry woven from caste, community, and electoral strategy.

The NDA's distinct caste composition highlights the ongoing struggle for representation in a society where caste remains influential. As we compare NDA with Mahagathbandhan, the nuances of caste-based politics will continue shaping Bihar's governance and social cohesion.