Tejashwi Yadav's Strategic Evolution: Expanding RJD's Base From Muslim-Yadav to PDA-Plus Coalition in Bihar

In Bihar's complex political arena, the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) has established itself as a powerful force, historically building its foundation on the Muslim-Yadav (MY) coalition. This alliance has been both a source of strength and limitation, enabling the party to secure approximately 30 percent of the vote share while simultaneously constraining its broader appeal.

As the 2025 Bihar assembly elections approach, Tejashwi Yadav, who now leads the RJD, is implementing a strategic shift aimed at expanding the party's appeal beyond its traditional base while maintaining its core support.

While political coverage has largely focused on internal conflicts within the Mahagathbandhan alliance between the RJD, Congress, Left, and VIP in key constituencies, many analysts have overlooked the RJD's significant strategic evolution that could potentially expand its social foundation.

Tejashwi appears to have drawn inspiration from Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav's successful strategy in Uttar Pradesh during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Tejashwi's new approach, called the PDA strategy—representing Picchra (backward castes), Dalits, and Alphasankyak (minorities) plus upper castes—demonstrates his recognition of Bihar's changing socio-political landscape. This approach aims not only to regain lost support but also to challenge the stronghold of rivals like Nitish Kumar, who has successfully built his own coalition among Mahadalits and Extremely Backwards Classes (EBCs).

The RJD's candidate list for the 2025 elections reflects this transformative vision. By fielding 143 candidates (down slightly from 144 in 2020) and dropping 36 MLAs (25.17 percent) for underperformance, the party signals a significant organizational shift that prioritizes electoral viability over traditional loyalty—a rare move in a political system often characterized by patronage relationships.

Notably, the RJD has nominated 24 women candidates, acknowledging the increasing importance of female voters in Bihar. Since 1962, women's voter participation has risen by 28 percentage points, effectively reversing the gender gap and establishing women as a crucial voting bloc in the state.

The shift began in 2010, when women's voter turnout surpassed men's in 162 constituencies, with 54 percent of women voting compared to 51 percent of men. This gap widened further in 2015, with 60 percent of women voting versus just 50 percent of men. During the 2020 assembly elections, despite the pandemic, women outvoted men in 167 of the 243 constituencies, particularly in North Bihar, a region that heavily supported the National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

Current Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, through his women-focused initiatives, appears to hold a 32 percent gender gap advantage over Tejashwi Yadav according to recent polling data.

The RJD's candidate list includes prominent figures such as Tejashwi Yadav contesting from Raghopur, Chandra Shekhar from Madhepura, and Veena Devi from Mokama. While maintaining a significant representation of 52 Yadav candidates and 18 Muslim candidates, the RJD has strategically expanded its reach by allocating 13 seats to Kushwaha castes and two to Kurmi castes—both traditionally aligned with Nitish Kumar.

Furthermore, the inclusion of 16 upper caste candidates—comprising Rajputs, Bhumihars, and Brahmins—represents Tejashwi Yadav's commitment to broadening the party's appeal. Historically, Rajputs have shown greater alignment with the RJD, while Bhumihars and Brahmins have distanced themselves from the party since Lalu Prasad Yadav's controversial "Bhure bal saaf karo" (get rid of upper castes) slogan.

Tejashwi Yadav, now firmly in control of the RJD, has chosen to move beyond his father Lalu Prasad Yadav's vision of the party's social base. This strategic pivot carries significant risks, as despite increased representation, upper castes and EBCs may not necessarily switch their allegiance to the RJD, and the party's traditional support base might respond negatively. Vote transfer challenges may arise, and the 36 dropped sitting MLAs could potentially undermine official RJD candidates in their constituencies by supporting rival parties or independents.

The allocation of 20 seats to Scheduled Castes and one to Scheduled Tribes, along with 21 to Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs), including Mallahs, Telis, and Kahars, demonstrates Tejashwi's nuanced understanding of Bihar's demographic composition. MBCs constitute 36 percent of Bihar's population according to the 2023 Bihar Caste Survey. By constructing this diverse coalition, Tejashwi Yadav aims not only for electoral victory but also to reshape Bihar's political narrative beyond traditional caste and community divisions.

The RJD's strategic evolution under Tejashwi Yadav marks a crucial moment in Bihar's political landscape, showing a willingness to learn from past experiences and adapt to the changing aspirations of constituents despite substantial risks and potential internal opposition.

For nearly 35 years, the RJD has consistently been the single largest party in elections, yet since 2005, it has struggled to form a government in Bihar. The Nitish Kumar-led NDA has repeatedly outmaneuvered the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan, with 2015 being the sole exception when Nitish Kumar temporarily aligned with Lalu Prasad to form a new coalition that successfully defeated the BJP.

As the 2025 elections draw near, the RJD faces a critical juncture—either reestablishing its dominance or redefining its role in Bihar's evolving political framework. The party's adoption of a broader PDA coalition that includes upper castes could be the key to achieving the electoral success that has eluded it since 2005, potentially transforming not only its political fortunes but also the fundamental character of Bihar's political identity.